Because most Americans most of the time have something better to do than pay attention to politics, only now is it starting to dawn on many of them that this really is how things are going to be for a while. Until the Democrats take the US House in 2026, this is it.

And they don’t like it. I have seen numerous videos taken at town hall meetings with Democratic congresspeople in which their constituents seem to be in a state of shock and disbelief, as if they truly cannot believe that the president is hacking away at government services, raising the already high cost of living, and generally breaking the law.

“I will not live in an authoritarian country,” one of them said, with her heart on her sleeve. “You can do more. Think outside the box.

“He needs to be impeached!”

To that, I say huzzah! 

But the problem is the Democrats can’t do anything right now as the minority party. The other problem? People who don’t pay attention to politics, because they have something better to do, don’t know the Democrats can’t do anything. This puts the party in a bind: between being unable to do anything and being accused of doing nothing. 

To discuss this and other impeachment matters, I got in touch with Jill Lawrence. She’s the author of The Art of the Political Deal and a frequent contributor to The Bulwark. She used to be the opinion editor for USA Today. Jill told me that the biggest thing right now is timing. 

“I see reluctance due to the constraints of being in the minority and … wanting to time this right,” she said. “There are multiple areas of vulnerability for Trump and the GOP, and there will be more when their policy and fiscal priorities become obvious … You don’t want to be arguing about whether impeachment is futile or not. It’s futile now. 

“Later it might not be.”

JS: Reports indicate that the Democratic leadership is unsure about impeachment. What the hell is that about?

JL: I think it’s more about timing than anything else. When do you undertake something like this for maximum impact? Democrats, generally speaking, are all over the map on this. I was surprised by some of the reaction to an impeachment essay I wrote in connection with the first 100 days. It ranged from “there’s no point, it did nothing last time” to “do it right now, what is wrong with you people?” 

I get both points of view. In fact, I found a file I started in December called “impeach Trump now,” before he was sworn in. I suggested one impeachment article for every January 6 pardon. A cooler part of my brain prevailed. I think strategically, for a bunch of reasons, it’s best to wait until after the midterms.

JS: I suppose some of the reluctance might be due to ignorance, as in: people don’t know enough about government to know the Democrats can’t really do anything right now. So why bother talking about it? In that case, the Democrats should educate the public, no?

JL: There is no reason not to highlight Trump’s impeachable offenses as they come up, which is daily, and some Democrats are doing that. And you’re right, it’s also a chance to explain that this process starts in the House, Democrats are the minority, and their investigations can be shut down by Republicans. Best to wait until after the 2026 elections, when they have a good chance of running the House, and hopefully would be ready to go with an impeachment inquiry on day one. The public parts of it should be modeled on the January 6 hearings. Made for TV, history and public education.

JS: I think the impeachment debate reflects the larger disagreement among Democrats. Should the party focus on problems we all face or on Trump? Should they “work for the American people” or pursue accountability? Joe Biden faced a similar question. I’m not sure these are separate questions, though. What do you think?

JL: One strategic reason to wait on impeachment is to allow time and space to address other vital issues. It’s frightening to think about what’s happening to public health, the economy, a government spreading disinformation, data collection and privacy intrusions, and the world shunning America. And of course if you want to, you can tie a lot of this to Trump’s self-evident impeachability, especially if he continues to flout laws and court rulings.

JS: Nicholas Grossman told me the strength of the Democrats is an over-debated subject. They are merely adjusting to post-election realities. I’m not sure I agree. The impeachment-reluctance suggests fear more than uncertainty. What do you think?

JL: I don’t see fear. I see reluctance due to the constraints of being in the minority and, to some degree, wanting to time this right. There are multiple areas of vulnerability for Trump and the GOP, and there will be more when their policy and fiscal priorities become obvious, when the impact of the DOGE cuts becomes obvious. The viability and reliability of Social Security and Medicaid are at stake. You don’t want to be arguing about whether impeachment is futile or not. It’s futile now. Later it might not be.

JS: What are the biggest flash points coming up that the Democrats will want to jump on. Empty shelves? A recession? Social Security? 

JL: All of these issues fold into a larger fake populism narrative. Whose side are these people on? That will become clear and Democrats should frame it as much as possible that way. Empty shelves and safety-net cuts seem inevitable. Tariffs could kick in with full force in early July (after a 90-day “pause”). Tax cuts and breaks for the rich could happen. Surviving the Trump economy will be a top concern. 

Democrats should hang that on Republicans and their total cave to Trump and Musk. At the same time, Democrats should be prepared for massive backlash from their own voters if they win the House down the line and fail to hold Trump accountable as aggressively and quickly as possible. And we haven’t even mentioned due process and weaponizing government against colleges, law firms and immigrants.

You could look at this as an impossible, overwhelming task or as shooting fish in a barrel – as endless opportunities for Democrats, rooted in endless harmful and in some cases unconstitutional or lawless choices. That’s how I’m choosing to think about it. For now.

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